By John Blust
For
the second straight election cycle, primary elections for all
state and local offices in North Carolina have been postponed.
Hundreds of candidates for offices ranging from the school board
to the US Congress have been affected severely. Naturally, most
of our media watchdogs in North Carolina have blamed the Republican
lawsuit that has challenged the new districts in court on constitutional
grounds.
Here is a typical assessment: A few Republicans
are responsible for the brinkmanship that has resulted in a legal
stalemate. Unable to win enough legislative seats to dominate
the district-drawing process, Republican leaders used a sympathetic
court in 2002 to circumvent the standard procedure. Republican
lawsuits have again challenged the districts redrawn by the General
Assembly in late 2003. It’s this latest round of litigation
that has resulted in the delayed primary.
First of all, Republicans do not need to dominate
the redistricting process. Republicans just want fair, neutral,
legal constitutional districts that respect communities of interest
and allow voters to decide who holds power at the ballot box.
North Carolina voters will then be able to choose between the
two competing visions for the future of our state, and very likely,
judging logically from past election results, Republicans will
then capture majorities in the state Senate and state House.
The Democrats and their ally, Rep. Richard
Morgan, the “Republican” co-speaker from Moore County
whose treacherous back-room double-dealing with Democrat Speaker
Jim Black left Democrats in control of the North Carolina House
even when Republicans won the most seats, have given North Carolina
the highest taxes in the Southeast and crushed job creation in
this state. Morgan-Black and Senate President Pro Tem Marc Basnight
know they will lose power if they follow the law and do what’s
right with redistricting.
A quick review of the history of the current
round of legislative redistricting is in order. The legislature
didn’t take up redistricting in the 2001 session until late
September. (Legislative leaders needed the threat of redrawing
their districts as leverage to get enough votes for huge tax increases).
The Republicans went to court alleging that the new plans violated
the state constitution and the Democrat gerrymandering was found
to be illegal. After a second failure by the legislature to follow
the law, the trial judge had to draw temporary districts for the
2002 elections because by that time it was too close to the 2002
elections to give the legislature a third chance to redraw districts
until after November 2002.
If the judge who drew the temporary districts
used in the 2002 elections was as “sympathetic” to
Republicans as the press, the Democrats and Morgan have claimed,
why did House Republican candidates get 54 percent of the vote
statewide but win only 61 of 120 seats, and why did Senate Republicans
win 52 percent of the vote statewide but win only 22 of 50 seats?
Obviously, these results demonstrate that the judge-drawn districts
were not sympathetic to Republicans, but still slightly favored
the Democrats.
The Democrats and Morgan bellyached loudly
and vociferously that districts should be drawn by the legislature,
not the judges. This was nothing but false spin. The 2002 judge-drawn
districts were labeled “interim,” which meant those
districts would only be used for the 2002 elections. It was always
clear to everyone that the legislature would redraw the districts
a third time, just as Morgan and the Democrats claimed the legislature
should do.
But what did Morgan and the Democrats do when
given a third opportunity to draw maps? On purpose, they waited,
and waited, and waited, and waited, and waited, and waited, and
waited, and waited. Finally, they called a quick special session,
during Thanksgiving week of all times. The mainstream press has
not queried Basnight and Black-Morgan as to why the legislature
waited until Thanksgiving week of 2003 to take up the redistricting
issue almost a year late. Why would any fair-minded, inquisitive
journalist fail to ask legislative leaders this obvious question?
I challenge someone who is now blaming Republican litigants for
the delay in the primaries to give an honest answer to explain
why the legislature waited a year to take up redistricting. That
explanation would inform the citizens of North Carolina as to
why their primaries are being delayed once again. If the legislature
had done its work in a timely manner, there would have been ample
time for the inevitable challenges.
I received my official notice of the special
redistricting session on Sunday afternoon at 2:30 to report to
Raleigh for session the next day at 9:30 a.m. That next day, on
the House side, no redistricting plan was available for House
members or the public to review ahead of time. This is a matter
that will affect state and local government through the end of
the decade. But Morgan-Black, even though they profess deep love
and concern for the public good, would not allow the public or
elected representatives to see what they had planned. This is
not the way leaders with a defensible plan would behave.
The Republican majority leader, Joe Kiser
of Lincoln County, who has become a total Morgan loyalist, refused
to hold a caucus the day of the Thanksgiving special session to
show the plan to members who would be asked to vote on it. (Morgan
has said publicly that loyalty to him is more important than anything,
even competence). As joint caucus leader, I asked Kiser to hold
a caucus three different times throughout the day, and got the
same answer each time – there was no plan ready. The “Republican”
co-chairman of the Redistricting Committee, Rick Eddins of Wake
County, never held a committee meeting where the members and the
public could see the plan in advance. He, too, claimed there was
no plan ready. No committee meeting was ever held on the bill.
A bill is supposed to pass a committee before it can go to the
floor, but that standard procedure was not followed because the
House leaders did not want the members to know what they were
voting on. I doubt there is a single person in this state who
would want his or her representative in Raleigh to cast an uninformed
vote.
A plan was finally given out to House members
only 15 minutes prior to the House session. Reviewing this technical
and voluminous bill would take at least several hours, if not
days. When the session convened, the question was promptly called
and a vote was taken before any member that wasn’t part
of Morgan’s or Black’s inner circles could have any
chance to review the plan. Then, after virtually no debate on
this important bill, a “bi-partisan” majority voted
for the unknown plan. A short time before, most of those voting
aye were claiming they hadn’t seen the plan, they had only
seen their own district. Most of those who voted for the plan
did so because it gave them districts where they felt safe from
electoral challenge.
Most of the Republicans who voted for the
plan were afraid that Co-speaker Morgan would retaliate against
them as he had against me and some of the other Republicans who
have not been blindly loyal to him by putting us in the back of
the chamber, giving us small offices, depriving us of our secretaries,
killing all our bills, not appointing us to committees, refusing
to recognize us to speak during debate, etc., while he spent lavishly
on new and expanded offices and other perks for him and his cronies.
There is a way to correct the high abuse of
power that is depriving North Carolinians of fair elections. I’m
the primary sponsor of the House bill to establish an independent
redistricting commission. The current legislative “leaders”
who keep drawing illegal and unconstitutional redistricting plans
will make sure that no vote for a redistricting independent panel
will ever pass the legislature. The press should stop treating
those who block critical reform as paragons of good government
and idealistic innocents and get behind the reform efforts that
will provide North Carolina with constitutional, fair and equitable
legislative districts.
District 62 Republican state Rep. John Blust
is chairman of the joint Republican caucus. |